1. Difference between Academic Anthropology and Anthropology in Practice
“Engagement and application have always been an integral part of anthropology, of course, and have had a large hand in shaping what the discipline has become” (Rylko-Bauer et al. 2006: 179).
Up through the World War II, much
anthropology was both “engaged” and “applied”. Following World War II, for a
variety of reasons, academically based anthropologists rose to dominance,
effectively redefining the limits and possibilities of the discipline. The
application of anthropology became, for many, somewhat suspect. Some of the traditional anthropological
mainstream have had difficulty in grasping the nature and extent of the
differences between academic and non-academic practices of this field. Some
academicians, who work or consult regularly outside the university, see their
applied work as little different from that done by practitioners. Overall,
there has been a tendency to minimize – or even deny – differences in this
respect. Others insist that all anthropology is really applied in one sense or
another. Mullins, for example, says that “virtually all anthropology can
claim some measure of practicing engagement somewhere along a continuum of
political possibilities.” Practice, for Mullins, “is research that
consciously positions itself within public dialogue” . New names for the
use of anthropology have appeared gradually over the time period. And so we now
have “public” anthropology, “engaged” anthropology, and even “activist”
anthropology, together with exhortations for more collaboration,
interdisciplinarity, and connection through which anthropologists take
responsibilities to connect with people.
we need to acknowledge a set of
essential differences between anthropologists working within the academy and
those working outside it. These differences are significant, both constraining
and enabling how anthropology is done, how it is used, and to what effect. We
can begin with a fairly basic difference: where problems come from and how they’re
dealt with.
1. Problems,
for academic anthropologists, tend to be self-selected, generated and defined
from within the discipline itself. In anthropological practice, however,
problems usually come from the needs of external clients. These clients not only
define problems, but they may also specify the criteria that solutions must
satisfy.
2. Academic
anthropologists often see themselves as providing “critical perspective” on
issues or problems, whereas practitioners are expected to provide solutions.
And the solutions often have the effect of changing lives, as well as minds. As
one practitioner said, “we don’t just stand outside and critique, but work
inside to change, guide, and innovate” (Kitner 2011: 35).
3. For
practitioners, action and outcomes are assumed to be the top priority. What
they work on is defined and prioritized within the overall social and political
context, and not simply in terms of what the academy might think important.
Other differences between
academia and practice are also important. These include aspects of structure, work
style, patterns of reward and constraints including safety and security.
Differences in terms of Structures:
Structurally, academia is
remarkably homogeneous. Although each of our many institutions of higher education
can be said to be a distinctive culture unto itself, they are organized in very
similar ways. There are a relatively small number of rungs on the academic
ladder, and a fairly well-established set of rules and procedures for climbing
up them. And there is fairly clear agreement across institutions as to what
rights, roles, and responsibilities accompany these different ranks. Outside
the university, organizations are considerably more diverse in structure,
mission, and mandate. Anthropologist practitioners occupy a very wide range of
roles here, at a variety of different levels, and with a bewildering array of
titles. Moreover, these organizations are themselves often changing, sometimes
fairly quickly, in response to outside forces.
Differences in terms of Work
styles:
Work styles also differ
significantly between academics and practitioners. Academic anthropologists
tend to do their work as individuals, beginning in graduate school, and
extending through fieldwork, tenure, and beyond. Work assignments and
dead-lines are usually self-imposed, limited mainly by the academic calendar,
funding deadlines for grants, and tenure and promotion reviews. Practitioners,
on the other hand, often work in multidisciplinary teams. Their work tends to
be collaborative and highly result-oriented. Often, these results may not be
individually attributed. Although their work is not devoid of theory,
practitioners tend to be judged on the basis of what they can do, not simply on
what they know. Time pressures, of course, can sometimes be intense.
Differences in terms of Rewards
and constraints:
The pattern of rewards and
constraints which shape jobs and careers, while relatively uniform within the
academy, is again highly diverse and variable outside it. Academics, by and large,
are rewarded (i.e., hired, tenured, and promoted) for a very limited number of
things, principally teaching, research, publication, and service, and while
each of these activities is highly complex and requires a great deal of skill,
the path to success is clear.
Judgments about how well or badly
these things are done, moreover, are typically made by one’s academic peers. In
contrast, practitioners generally work on a succession of projects or
assignments, each requiring a somewhat different set of skills, approaches, and
activities. Only some of these activities involve research. These assignments,
moreover, are not usually chosen or created by practitioners themselves, but by
the needs and requirements of the wider organization and its clients. And as a
result, outcomes are judged by those clients, and not by peers. The
consequences of these judgments are, of course, significant for future
practitioner assignments and opportunities.
Other debates center on ethical
concerns….
Ethics in anthropology is a broad
field, but ethical concerns with respect to practice have focused on issues
such as informed consent, the ownership and use of information, and the
appropriateness of work for large and powerful institutions . Within the
academy, discussion of the ethics of practice tends to be hampered by the
relative lack of understanding of and experience with what practitioners
actually do on a daily basis. Given that many if not most of the jobs done by
practitioners don’t actually have the word “anthropology” in the title,
academics are prone to ask, “But it this really anthropology?” John van
Willigen provides a clear and straightforward answer when he reminds us that
there are really no such things as anthropological problems. There are client
problems, and our job is to figure out how to use anthropology to address and
solve those problems.
“Practice,” as we use the term in
anthropological discussions, has a very specific meaning: it is anthropology
done largely outside the university, by non-academic anthropologists.
“Applied,” “action,” or “engaged” anthropology – terms often used synonymously which can refer to virtually any extramural
work done by university-based anthropologists. The “practitioner” distinction,
however, is important because their work isn’t an optional or part-time
activity; they work as insiders, full-time. And the contexts in which they
work, varied as they are, are all significantly different from university
environments, particularly with respect to issues of security, support, and role
definition.
One of the most frequently
repeated criticisms of practice is that it is theoretical but ‘Expecting
practitioners to behave like academics seems oddly ethnocentric’. Practitioners
work across a wide variety of sectors, doing an enormous number of different
things. They are planners, managers, policy-makers, project and program
directors, advocates, and designers. To an increasing extent, they are also
influential decision-makers within their organizations. Their work – and how
they do their work – differ significantly from that of their university-based
colleagues. And whereas anthropologists
– academics and practitioners alike – are very good at providing “thick
description” of specific contexts and situations, practitioners must often simplify
and prioritize these descriptions to turn them into policy.
Reference: Nolan, R. W. (2014). A Handbook of Practicing Anthropology. Malden, (Mass.: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
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